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What's Being Done On . . . Peace Building and Democracy ?
Interview with Mr. Clayton Lillienfeldt of South Africa, a Visiting Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, DC from October 2002 to May 2003. Mr. Lillienfeldt previously worked as a senior trainer and mediator at the Cape Town-based nongovernmental organization, Mediation Transformation Practice (MTP). April 11, 2003 The following interview was conducted at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, DC, which serves as Secretariat of the World Movement for Democracy. The interview was conducted by Anna Pkhrikian-Kyrou, Project Assistant for the World Movement for Democracy. Please tell us a little about yourself, your work, and your interest in conflict resolution and democracy. Growing up in South Africa, where society had historically been violent due to police brutality and the state oppressing any form of public gathering, certainly shaped my interest in conflict resolution and democracy work. I remember my mother being six-months pregnant and taking me to my first rally in the local community. The rally had not gone on for ten minutes when the police dispersed the crowd with tear gas, and there was my mother, heavy with a child, trying to run away. That image and my recollection of being involved in the struggle at an early age and being exposed to the police chasing protestors are still fresh in my memory. At that stage I saw how violent people were in dealing with the police and how they dealt with one another, and I knew we needed to pursue an alternative means of protest. It was in high school and university that I was exposed to the skills of facilitation and mediation, and that I learned about non-violence. During my early years of school, I was very aware of the state of affairs in the country, of police brutality, and of informants within communities. I would say that I was violent myself, throwing stones at police. In the later years of the high school and when I attended university, I was exposed to non-violence through working with young people and trying to find alternative ways to resolve conflict. At that point I had no formal training in conflict resolution. Once I was in university, I connected with a group called Leadership South, which later became Future Links South Africa, a group that was formally trained in conflict resolution theories and principles. In the late '80s and early '90s, we started to implement these principles in our work. As a member of the African National Congress (ANC) Youth League, I continuously participated in debates on how we wanted to see the new government come into power. Democracy was very much embedded in the way we consulted, in the way we made decisions, in the way our action plans were developed, and in the way leadership was selected. It was all done in a very democratic fashion. I think many democratic values were already ingrained in the way we were doing our work. We also read much political literature and participated in debates. I remember going to an ANC branch on Friday nights, where we discussed the institutions and values we wanted to establish in a post-apartheid South African democracy, and dedicated part of each evening to the teachings of thinkers like Marx, Lenin, and Gramsci. So a lot of discussions about democracy were taking place even before the ban on the ANC Party was lifted. One of my most important experiences was with the democratic process that culminated in 1996, when the South African Constitution was adopted. It was printed in eleven languages. I quote it wherever I go, and always have a copy with me. It reflects the South African experience. Consultations prior to the adoption of the Constitution went on throughout the entire country. The government, and everyone who was involved in democracy building and nation building, went out and consulted broadly, including with all those who were illiterate. They met with focus groups and held mass meetings in villages and rural towns and schools and came back and drew up this document, and it was adopted in 1996. There was consensus among all South Africans that this was a document that we could all agree to and live by. Even those who disagreed with aspects of the proposed Constitution participated in the discussions and stated their disagreements. This was a democratic process that took place within the banned party, the members of which constantly talked about the changes that should be made in the system. Conflict resolution and peace-building work is often undertaken in isolation from democracy work, and little literature has focused on the connection between these two fields. What is your understanding of the relationship between conflict resolution and democracy? After university, I became very involved in various aspects of democracy and peace building work. I worked in Lesotho after the Southern African Development Community (SADC) forces moved in, and I worked with local communities, especially with a network of individuals involved in conflict resolution, to train local community members to deal with some of the issues that were causing conflict. I also trained a number of election officials in Lesotho and Zimbabwe. We looked at how political leaders, despite their affiliations, can help prevent bloodshed during elections. Stopping loss of life was always the most crucial objective, even when we could not stop a conflict itself. It is also necessary to defuse the situation, to allow the parties to "cool off," and to separate them in order to prevent mutual revenge. Afterwards, there is always a need to manage ongoing conflicts. We cannot act like an ambulance that is always rushing to accidents to pick up the dead and wounded. We must be preventive and proactive. We need an effective analysis of how to manage conflict. The way I see it, methods of conflict resolution can serve as crisis intervention tools to stop the immediate physical violence, while conflict management, which is a more sustainable and long-term process, can serve to prevent localized social and other conflicts from spreading and exploding. In Africa, especially in pre-1994 South Africa, conflict had been managed badly and almost always resulted in violence. By 1994, however, with the transition to democracy, a number of institutions were proactively working towards non-violent social change. In Africa, I believe, civil society is slowly becoming proactive in non-violent approaches to conflict. Conflict resolution and management mechanisms are being created at the state level and at the continental level --through such organizations as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS); the Cease Fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG); the Africa Union (AU) Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution; the South African Development Community; the East Africa Community; and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development-- to deal with numerous conflicts. Conflict resolution and management practitioners are often so caught up in maintaining peace and harmony, managing conflict, and focusing on the values and principles of conflict resolution, that they often do not realize that they are already using democratic structures and frameworks. In fact, they often work in local communities and with various civil society organizations to strengthening the very cornerstones of democracy. A good example is the relationship between the democratic principle of freedom of expression and conflict resolution. The process of resolving conflict, by providing an opportunity for conflicting parties to express their anger, disappointment, or some grievance, enables a discussion without anyone being harmed or killed. This not only employs the principle of freedom of expression, but also strengthens it. Human rights is another area shared by both democracy activists and peace-building practitioners. An individual has rights and people need to be aware of the value of a rights-based society. This is why democracy activists work so hard to build a framework and institutions that protect human rights. Frequently, activists are forced to protest on the street to ensure that their rights are respected. But respect for human rights is one of the fundamental principles in peace-building as well. That is why conflict resolution practitioners address human rights issues as they build peace in which the rights of each individual and group are valued and respected. Through non-violent efforts to secure a sustainable peace, they ensure the protection of basic human rights. The struggle for change through non-violent means is inspired by the messages of Ghandi, Martin Luther King Jr., and Nelson Mandela. Unfortunately, people are very often getting killed or massacred before any positive change takes place. In South Africa, during apartheid, thousands of people protested and were incarcerated. When they were released, they protested again and were incarcerated again. This mass movement was constantly keeping the state security apparatus active and under pressure. The question was always, how long could the government keep putting people in jail for pursuing freedom? I think that there is definitely a relationship between conflict management and democracy because they are based on similar values and principles. The work I have been doing during my fellowship at the National Endowment for Democracy has focused on this relationship and trying to strengthen the connections within it. I think it is important to train democracy activists in conflict management, and it is important to train conflict resolution practitioners and organizations on how to reinforce democratic principles and values through their work. I think if we can do that, they will be more likely to collaborate with each other and have a stronger impact in both peace-building and democracy-building. Has South Africa been very effective in dealing with its unjust authoritarian past and the animosity between deeply divided groups building democracy? I think it is important to know that we are still grappling with many problems in trying to strengthen democracy and participation, and dealing with issues like criminality. Despite those challenges, South Africa has really evolved over the last years. Even prior to the end of apartheid, the country had some strong civil society structures. A number of foreign donors reinforced the work of the NGO fraternity in South Africa, and with these resources we could spread messages about apartheid. By1994, one could sense some changes taking place. The fundamental shift came late in the1980s. There were rumors that negotiations were taking place between the ANC exile leadership, and the South African government through shuttle diplomacy. Then the release of Mandela on February 11, 1990 marked the major transition for a number of NGOs and for the country as a whole. From that day on, we realized that elections were near. We had to fast-track our work in conflict management, peace-building, democracy building, and prepare for the elections. The general excitement over the potential for peace and democracy pushed people almost beyond their capacities. We worked tirelessly to get democratic systems in place. So the transition period was about organizations and people of South Africa working together to bring about the changes. A few manifestations of our success are the existence of strong institutions that are driven by civil society and that help keep the government accountable and an intellectual capacity that is not just in government but within the civil society structures and NGOs that are the watchdogs of government and the Constitution. The first major incident of citizens exercising their civil rights under the new Constitution was the action campaign that took the government to constitutional court for failing to provide anti-retroviral drugs for HIV/AIDS. Civil society won that case, and the state now has to provide the treatment. For the short ten years of its democracy, civil society has been using democratic mechanisms to challenge the state. The successful transition was a result of hard work and sacrifice, and it is still hard work as people continue to fight for more democratic changes. There are many challenges to be overcome, such as HIV/AIDS, criminality, and disengagement of individuals from political processes. South Africans are now learning the "politics of politics." They have always known it, but from a perspective of struggle. Now they need to engage in it from a sense of democratic principles and interaction, and raise questions, such as: How does that person represent my interest? How does that party represent my interest? How does one engage in democratic practices beyond just going to vote? What is crucial is that democratic structures and institutions allow us to confront various challenges through constructive dialogue at the civil society and parliamentary levels. This further strengthens and improves the democratic process, and it prevents a coup by one group of people who feel shunted or who do not have a voice within the society. NGOs have formed a block to strengthen the new-born democratic institutions in the country, the South African NGO Coalition (SANGOCO) that includes a variety of NGOs. If, for argument's sake, the government has a two-thirds majority and wants to change the Constitution to institute a one-party state, the NGO community has enough power to prevent that from happening. It is constantly lobbying, advocating, and looking at ways to maintain the institutions of democracy. During the last ten years we achieved a great deal, but we still have much to do. I am just glad that my daughter, Jesse Ché, is less likely to be seen as a black South African, but as a South African. Racial profiling and discrimination based on the color of one's skin, the texture of one's hair, or the place one lives, should never determine what kind of South African one is. Unfortunately, discrimination is sill prevalent because the physical boundaries of apartheid still separate some communities. Society still lives in those communities as if under apartheid, and we need to change that. We need to break down those barriers and we need to link up cities and townships that have been separated by the barriers of the past. Those are the challenges of transition. You are currently writing a training manual on "Bridging Conflict Management and Democracy in Africa?" What are the objectives of this manual? Actually, I have chosen to change the concept of "bridging" to one of "interface" or "intersection," a place where those engaged in both kinds of efforts meet and interact, and where the work of democracy activists and peace-building practitioners overlaps. The main focus of the manual is to provide democratic activists with knowledge of and skills for conflict resolution, such as mechanisms and processes for resolving conflict, mediation and facilitation processes, understanding of causes of conflict, and understanding of how conflict resolution/management reinforces democratic institutions. It will try to instill practical skills for those working in Africa on democracy issues so that they can become a new cadre of people who can help strengthen democracy in such a way that major conflict or a loss of life becomes less likely. One of the key points in the manual is the notion of fair process. In a democracy, the idea of fair process is part of consultation in making decisions and in bringing groups together. Similarly, in conflict management, problem solving requires a fair process: everyone involved in the conflict is consulted, and the process is transparent to ensure fairness to each party. The manual will also take into consideration the role that HIV/AIDS plays in affecting people's rights. Are people infected with HIV/AIDS discriminated against? Which of their rights are being infringed upon? Do they have access to information? Can they use freedom of speech to declare their status? These are the questions raised by the activists who are fighting for the democratic rights of individuals infected with HIV/AIDS. These activists are often also involved in peace-building and conflict resolution activities. They are the local teachers or young individuals. The manual will provide conflict management skills to those kinds of people to enable them to communicate messages on behalf of those with HIV/AIDS in positive manner, so that no one will be stigmatized. In addition, the manual will include suggestions from practitioners in the field who wish to share their experiences with those undertaking the training. The manual will incorporate discussion and examples from different parts of Africa of indigenous experiences and knowledge to demonstrate how indigenous knowledge and African culture have contributed to resolving conflict down through ages. For example: In Sierra Leone women from Christian and Muslim communities have come together with women from different tribes to look at issues of peace building and conflict resolution. In Mozambique, cleansing rituals are used to bring child soldiers back into mainstream society. After the cleansing process, there is a celebration of bringing those children back into society. Somaliland (a self declared republic) also provides as a good example of how to address conflict creatively and to build democratic institutions. While the State of Somalia is totally fragmented by warlords, Somaliland has chosen a different way in which council elders from different clans form "inter-diya groups." The "diya" is a body that serves to manage conflict between clans on a variety of issues, such as water, grazing, etc . As a result, Somaliland recently faced presidential elections in which clans have come together to form cross-clan political parties. The manual will also discuss indigenous practices of South Africa: its struggle to defeat apartheid; the role of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the process of transition; and the concept of "Ubuntu," through which a person is helped to understand issues through the eyes of others, and its contribution to the reconciliation process in the country. Finally, the manual will have an easy navigation process for those who use it as a training tool. It will include models for one- and multi-day workshops in conflict management. People will also be able to make use of different aspects of the agenda it incorporates. In addition, the manual will help users analyze conflict by providing knowledge of how to undertake a community profile, how to pull different people and groups together to make an effective voice in dealing with conflict, how to focus on strengthening institutions of democracy after resolving conflict, and how to mobilize civil society to participate in creating democratic institutions. In your research, you have probably come across some organizations that have been successful in closing the gap between conflict resolution and democracy. How has this influenced your own work? For South African organizations, to a great extent, the fight to eradicate and bring down apartheid was really about the fight to bring down a one-party state and institutionalize a democratic state. The work of NGOs, such as the Quaker Peace Center, ACCORD, the Center for Conflict Resolution, the Center for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Mediation Transformation Practice, and the Community Dispute Resolution Trust (now disbanded), was crucial in this process. These organizations continually endeavored to engage in problem solving and to train people in managing conflict. They have written about political, social, and structural changes that were necessary and about the important role that conflict management played in those changes. Many of those organizations have influenced my own work in training practitioners to go out and work in the community. Among these practitioners were school teachers, high school students, health care workers, and civil society members involved in neighborhood watch in their local communities trying to deal with violence in a non-violent way. These efforts have served the dual purpose of defeating apartheid and building an institutional capacity through training people who would implement and lead post-1994 democratic processes. Numerous organizations across Africa perform similar functions since their nations face corruption, police brutality, intervention by the army, and civil war. Those organizations manage, at a number of levels, to facilitate discussion and debate and to train people to deal with the challenges they face in a constructive manner. For example, the Council of Churches of Kenya and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) have played an important role in managing the conflict in Sudan. Essentially, the building blocks are in place to facilitate the intersection between conflict resolution/peace building and democracy, even though it is not yet sufficiently strong. Unfortunately, funding does not always address the need to strengthen the intersections between the two fields. Organizations like the Cape Town-based Mediation Transformation Practice (MTP), where I used to work, use integrative conflict management techniques, and have found themselves building and utilizing democratic frameworks in their conflict management work. Most of the time, this happens somewhat unconsciously. There is no conscious decision to highlight the link between the two areas of work. Thus, MTP trained local government councilors in 12 cities on the Western Cape of South Africa in conflict management, legislative development, mediation, and community profiles. Even though we did not train the participants in democracy per se, or discuss directly the connections between the values and principles of democracy and those of conflict resolution, the participants in the training could take the skills and knowledge they learned and apply them to democracy building. From your work experience, what are the crucial steps that democracy activists in Africa and around the world can take to bridge the gap between democracy building and peace building/conflict resolution? I think it is crucial for democracy activists who mobilize communities and civil society on issues such as dictatorship, poverty, corruption, military rule, police brutality, etc., to understand those conditions and kinds of oppression and learn the skills that would allow them to broker, negotiate, and deal with those issues in ways that bring positive change. I believe that these future local and national government leaders can learn those skills. When a group protests in a leader's office, for example, about a lack of water or an increase in its price, the leader should not simply call the police to remove and arrest the protesters for illegally protesting without a permit and disturbing his or her work. There is a need for a system that allows people to express and resolve grievances. When people have complaints leaders should address them through direct communication and in collaboration with the people. People need to be continuously informed of changes taking place, how the changes affect the community, and how the leader is dealing with those changes. Perhaps I am an idealist in this regard, but to me there are four basic steps that democracy activists should take: consult with people, provide feedback, communicate clearly and continuously, and manage conflict. When there is a problem, it should be addressed immediately and completely. Incomplete agreements and unresolved problems always come back. In a democratic system, people have the power to remove a leader through the election process if they believe the leader does not represent them well. The leader must honor this process. My ultimate challenge to democratic activists concerns power. Power is dangerous when it is used wrongly. I think leadership positions give people power and often when we are in those positions of power we don't think through clearly the challenges of having it. If we have observed and learned the lessons from the experience of a previous government and previous systems, we can understand the effects of power abuses, corruption, and bad governance. When one takes on a leadership role within the government, a political party, or a community, power should be drawn from discussion, communication, and feedback. Ultimately, a leader has the power to make decisions, but the people should be informed of the plans, the discussions, and the actions, resolutions, and recommendations. Good governance is reinforced by power when it is used effectively to bring about positive change and to strengthen democracy. We need to train individuals in positions of power to use it effectively in a democratic fashion without abusing it. Dealing with issues of power is about going back to the building blocks of democracy and linking them to peace-building and conflict management. Individuals in power, who incorporate the principles of all three (democracy, peace-building, and conflict management) into their work (family, church, school, office, or neighborhood), are able to master the process of involving people, valuing their comments (especially from those who disagree), making difficult decisions, looking at the overall impact of those decisions on the people, and finding resources to implement those decisions. All these principles are interrelated and work hand-in-hand during a problem-solving process. Today, in South Africa, making decisions through consensus, apart from voting, is frequently used. Building consensus is a longer-term process, but it often gets to the point where there is sufficient agreement on a particular issue or action plan among all the parties involved. It's a decision reached collectively by everyone and to everyone's satisfaction and agreement. If we can follow democratic principles and values and link them to ongoing peace- building and conflict-management processes, we are more likely to see future generations who are able to live democratically and deal with conflict in a positive way, addressing change in a non-violent democratic manner through dialogue, discussion, and collaborative decision-making processes. Thank you very much, and best of luck to you in completing the training manual and your work in democracy and peace building. About "What's Being Done On . . . " For three months at a time, we highlight the activities of various organizations in different global regions, and links to important resources, that are focused on a particular theme or area of democracy work. Each new theme is announced via DemocracyNews, and the information from the previous installment is placed in the archives below. We hope to receive and post information about the work you or others may be doing that is focused on these issues. Send information via e-mail to the or by fax to (202) 378-9890. |
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