Civil-Military Relations

Since the 1950s, relations between the civilian government and the military in Turkey have been marked by tensions. The country has experienced four military interventions since the establishment of multi-party democracy in 1945 (1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997). Some believe that the Turkish military has intervened to address politicians' inability to keep public order. In this view, the military, perceived as custodians of national legitimacy and defenders of secularism, helps the country to transition to a functioning democratic system. Others believe, however, that these interferences by the military have adversely affected democratic life. As on overriding force in politics, the military has had a tremendous role in holding back change and stifling development of civil society. Over the years the military has had a say on every aspect of public life in Turkey. This difference in views on civil-military relations may be due to the historical role the military has played during times of transition when many civilian governments fell short in providing protection for citizens' rights, safety, and stability, and the military has stepped in. As a result, many Turks perceive military as the most trusted institution in the country.

Contemporary issues concerning civil-military relations are based on perception that the military has exhibited strong opposition to reforms concerning the rights of minorities and freedom of religion due to the military's belief that the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and Islamic Fundamentalists pose an insurgency threat to Turkey. On the other hand, many people believe that democracy requires democratic civil-military relations in which military authorities are subject to the control of elected civilians. The Constitutional amendments, adopted in May, 2004, demonstrate the diminishing role of military forces in Turkey. The amendments abolished the State Security Courts, which included a military judge and were originally introduced in Turkey following the 1980 coup. The amendments also included measures that introduced civilian provisions over military expenditures and removed military representatives from boards that oversee broadcasting and education. In addition, the National Security Council (consisting of five military representatives), once seen as a board of necessity and given priority by government for their decisions and recommendations, is now seen as just an advisory board.

Minority Rights

The law provides a single nationality designation for all citizens and thus does not recognize ethnic groups as national, racial, or ethnic minorities. Only few non-Muslim groups, such as Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, were designated as minorities based on the Treaty of Lausanne (1921). Citizens of Kurdish origin, who form 12 million of Turkey’s 70-million population, constitute the largest ethnic and linguistic group other then Turks. Until recently, Kurds who publicly or politically asserted their Kurdish identity, or publicly espoused using Kurdish in the public domain risked censure, harassment, or prosecution. Restrictions have been placed on the use of Kurdish and other ethnic minority language in radio and television broadcasts and publications. Recently, due to Turkey’s desire for accession to the EU, there have been some positive improvements in minority rights, including legal reforms designed to ensure minorities’ rights to speak their own language, publish their own newspaper, broadcast their own TV channels and operate private schools that teach Kurdish or any other language spoken in Turkey.

Freedom of Religion

Turkey has a secular state, and its Constitution provides for freedom of religion. However, the constitution also includes provisions for the integrity and preservation of the secular state, which restrict the right for freedom of religion. In its desire to preserve secularism, the authorities often engage in practices, such as forbidding women to wear headscarves at universities or other public institutions, imprisoning pro-Islamist journalists, and the closing political parties that are perceived fundamentalist.

The government oversees Muslim religious facilities and education through its Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), which is under the authority of the prime ministry. Some groups, particularly Alevis, whose belief system incorporates aspects of Shi'a and Sunni Islam and also draws on the traditions of other religions found in Anatolia, claim that Diyanet only reflects the mainstream Sunni Islamic belief and excludes other beliefs.

A separate government agency, the General Directorate for Foundations (GDF), regulates activities of non-Muslim religious groups and their affiliated churches, monasteries, synagogues, and related religious property. Non-Muslim religious groups in Turkey, face several issues including those relating to property loss to the government

EU Integration with Turkey

Many people believe that Turkey’s possible membership in the EU is serving to empower Turkey's civil society, improve its free market economy, and consolidate its democratic institutions, while diminishing the state's centralizing command over the society. At the same time some agree that Turkey's membership would help the EU better understand Muslim societies. The EU accession process has clearly triggered improvements in human rights, freedom of religion and expression and minority rights in Turkey along with a diminishing role of the military and increased empowerment of civil society.

To fulfill the requirements of the Copenhagen Criteria, the Turkish Government has been making many legislative changes called Harmonization Law Packages. For instance, Turkey’s new Penal Code has received wide praise from the EU for abolishing the death penalty and protecting women’s rights, as well as outlawing torture. Still many believe there is much more to be done. For example, Article 301 that deals with offenses against "Turkishness."

For the last 25 years, Turkey has frequently been subjected to accusations of mistreatment of prisoners while in police custody. These accusations have included torture, extra-judicial executions and disappearances. Given the beginning of discussions concerning EU membership, recent legal and policy changes, and the government’s frequent assertion of zero tolerance for torture, it is now less likely that torture will remain a problem in Turkey.

In addition, Turkey has ratified a number of human rights treaties since 1999 and has introduced many legislative reforms, such as setting up human rights monitoring bodies, and training programs in many government ministries. Turkey has also received praise for allowing TV, and radio broadcasts and education in minority languages, such as Kurdish, Arabic, and Bosnian. Public demands for change, the strengthening of civil society, and European Union candidacy requirements thus appear to be working together to produce positive democratic change in Turkey.

IN THIS INSTALLMENT

Civil society plays an important role in every country in promoting and defending human rights and implementing democratic reforms. In Turkey, numerous groups work throughout the country to address numerous challenges to democratization in Turkey. We provide a list of several such groups to illustrate the work being done.

In addition, this installment features interviews with three Turkish organizations about their approaches to promote human rights and democracy:

• ARI Movement -- an organization that promotes youth participation in democracy

• Flying Broom -- a national women’s organization that aspires to strengthen the women’s movement in the country

• Tumikom -- a grassroots parliamentary monitoring network with chapters throughout most of Turkey.